The Niall Boylan Podcast (They Told Me To Shut Up)

Ireland is in the midst of a housing emergency — rents and homelessness are rising, while tens of thousands of homes sit empty. According to the 2022 Census, there were over 160,000 properties recorded as vacant across the State — nearly 8 % of all housing stock — including houses and apartments that have been unoccupied for years. Around 48,000 of these homes were vacant in both the 2016 and 2022 censuses, suggesting long-term vacancy rather than short-term gaps between tenancies or renovations.
More recent mapping data from GeoDirectory shows roughly 80,000 residential homes vacant nationwide — even though the overall vacancy rate has fallen to around 3.7 %.
With so many homes unused, some campaigners suggest introducing “Use It or Lose It” laws — similar to measures in the UK — that would allow the State to take over privately owned properties that remain vacant for a defined period and bring them into the social housing stock.
Proponents argue this could:
Turn under-utilised housing into homes for people in need, helping reduce homelessness and ease rental pressures;
Encourage owners to renovate or sell empty properties, increasing supply quickly without costly new builds.
Critics counter that:
Many “vacant” homes are empty temporarily — between tenancies, under renovation, or awaiting sale — and are not genuine long-term vacancies;
Compulsory takeover could be seen as an overreach of state power and unfair to property owners who may have legitimate reasons for vacancy.
Enforcement and valuation issues could create legal and financial complications.
Should Ireland introduce “Use It Or Lose It” laws for vacant homes — or would this trample on property rights without solving the root of the housing crisis?

Niall opens the lines as new traffic cameras could be rolled out across Dublin by the end of the year. The proposed cameras would detect speeding, illegal use of bus lanes, and motorists running red lights — with more speed detection vans also planned for motorways nationwide.
The move comes as the Department of Transport prepares to finalise Ireland’s first National Safety Camera Strategy, a plan backed by Fine Gael TD Naoise Ó Muirí, who says delays in rolling out cameras have already cost lives. With road deaths at their highest level in over a decade, supporters argue stronger enforcement is urgently needed to tackle dangerous driving and “shockingly common” red-light running.
But not everyone is convinced.
Many drivers believe cameras improve safety and change behaviour. Others argue they’re rarely placed where accidents actually happen and instead focus on locations that are easy money-makers, raising questions about whether this is really about safety — or revenue.
Niall asks callers to get involved and have their say.
Do you think more traffic cameras are a good idea — or is this just another cash grab?
Call in and join the conversation.

In today’s episode, Niall follows up on a tweet that struck a nerve online.
Last week, he spoke to a man who says his life and education were destroyed by teachers in the 1960s and 1970s. He recalls being beaten, caned, and slapped at school, describing an atmosphere of fear that made learning impossible. He left school at just 14 years of age, traumatised and with no formal education — consequences he says have followed him throughout his life.
Corporal punishment was once legal and widely accepted in Irish schools. But does that make it right? And more importantly, does the state now have a responsibility to those who say they were permanently damaged by it?
The man believes the state owes a formal apology — and financial compensation — to victims of corporal punishment in schools.
So we ask the question:
Is he right? Or should today’s taxpayer not be financially burdened for mistakes made decades ago under a different social and legal system?
This episode explores trauma, accountability, historical injustice, and where — if anywhere — responsibility ends.

In this episode, Niall speaks with Councillor Gavin Pepper about the devastating death of Grace Lynch (16), who died in hospital after suffering catastrophic injuries when she was struck by a scrambler bike while crossing a road in Finglas, on her way to meet her boyfriend.
Grace’s death has sent shockwaves through the community and has reignited urgent questions about the unchecked spread of scrambler and scooter bikes across estates in Finglas and throughout the country. These bikes—often sold on the black market—are being driven by children as young as 12 up to 18, frequently without insurance, licences, or regard for safety, putting themselves, pedestrians, and local residents at constant risk.
While a young man has been arrested by An Garda Síochána in relation to this incident—meaning there are clear limits on what can be said about the specifics—we can talk about the wider and growing crisis. This was not the first serious injury or death linked to scrambler bikes, and without decisive action, it will not be the last.
Niall and Councillor Pepper discuss parental responsibility, community breakdown, and whether some parents have lost control—or abdicated responsibility—for their teenagers’ behaviour. The episode asks a difficult but necessary question:
Should parents be fined or held legally accountable for children involved in antisocial and dangerous behaviour?
This is a raw, necessary conversation about public safety, accountability, and how we prevent more families from suffering the same unimaginable loss.

This episode, Niall opens the phone lines to hear directly from listeners on a question that cuts across privacy, public trust, and workplace safety:
Should all jobs include random drug and alcohol testing?
The debate comes as long-delayed plans to introduce drug testing for An Garda Síochána move closer to reality. Back in 2021, the Department of Justice announced Gardaí would be subject to drug testing, similar to the Defence Forces — yet nearly five years on, the regulations remain unpublished.
Former Garda Sergeant Christy Galligan says the delay is unacceptable and argues that if Gardaí are to be tested, elected officials should be too.
“An Garda Síochána can’t be enforcing the law if they’re breaking it themselves,” he says. “That’s not being glib — that’s a fact.”
Galligan points out that:
The PSNI has had substance misuse testing since 2008
The Irish Defence Forces randomly test around 10% of personnel
Any Garda testing system must carefully address the risk of false positives, particularly given contamination risks in stations and during searches
While acknowledging these challenges, Galligan believes random testing should go much further — extending across the public service, civil service, and even TDs, arguing that if testing is introduced, it should be applied fairly and across the board.
But critics raise serious concerns. They argue that what someone does in their private life — whether that’s smoking cannabis or taking cocaine — is not the business of their employer, and that random testing could be overreach, intrusive, or unnecessary outside of safety-critical roles.
So Niall puts it to you, the listeners:
👉 Should Gardaí, TDs, and public servants all be subject to random drug testing?
👉 Should alcohol testing be included as well?
👉 Do privacy rights outweigh public trust — or vice versa?
👉 Should jobs involving major decisions come with stricter scrutiny?